Cannibalism: Cultures, Cures, Cuisine, and Calories

Human Cannibalism; Johannes Lerii's account of the description of the method the Indians use for "barbecuing" human flesh. Nude Indians barbecuing and eating parts of human bodies; Theodor de Bry.
Theodor de Bry, America, Part 3, 1593/Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. (neg. no. LC-USZ62-45105)

Perhaps nothing inspires as much fascination and repulsion as human cannibalism. Although it is now regarded as one of society’s greatest taboos and is often associated with evil—think Hannibal Lecter in The Silence of the Lambs (1991)—history reveals a practice that is more complex and, surprisingly, sometimes even reverential.

Funereal rituals involving cannibalism have been well documented. The Fore of Papua New Guinea, for example, were known to have eaten the bodies of their deceased. The practice was seen as a sign of love and respect, preventing corpses from rotting or being devoured by insects. In addition, the ritual was thought to protect the body from any dangerous spirits. The Wari of the Brazilian Amazon included cannibalism in their funereal rites into the 1960s, when missionaries precipitated the end of the practice. Also common were religious rituals that featured cannibalism. After making human sacrifices to the gods, the Aztecs reportedly ate the corpses, which they considered sacred.

Eating the body of an enemy was perhaps the ultimate act of revenge. In addition to showing domination and inspiring fear, consuming one’s foe was thought to enable the victor to possess the strength and bravery of the vanquished. Japanese soldiers during World War II consumed POWs, while the Korowai of New Guinea were within their rights to eat men thought to be witches. Ugandan leader Idi Amin, whose regime (1971–79) was noted for brutality, was accused of cannibalizing his opponents, and he responded with a nondenial: “I don’t like human flesh. It’s too salty for me.” The Carib of the Caribbean islands were also thought to have eaten their enemies, and Europeans used claims of cannibalism to justify the murder and enslavement of numerous indigenous people. Though the veracity of the allegations against the Carib is still debated, the term cannibalism derives from a corruption of their name.

Medicinal cannibalism seems to have existed around the world, with nearly every body part ending up in some concoction. Chinese compounds included human organs as well as nails and hair, while, in early Greece, human blood was thought to treat epilepsy. And even as they were decrying cannibals in the New World as savages, Europeans were routinely consuming human parts as medicinal treatment. Followers of 16th-century Swiss physician Paracelsus, for example, sought to cure dysentery with medicines that contained powdered human skulls, and in 17th-century England pulverized mummies were used in treatments for epilepsy and stomachaches. In some cases, not just any mummy would do: one concoction called for the body of a redheaded man who had died from hanging.

And then there is cannibal cuisine. (For the record, human flesh allegedly is similar in taste to veal or pork.) The Batak of Sumatra reportedly sold human flesh in markets, and in China human-based dishes were once considered a luxury. During the Yuan dynasty (13th–14th century), it was noted that “children’s meat was the best food of all in taste.” The country also reported cases of children cutting off various body parts—usually a section of the thigh or upper arm—to use in dishes for their elders as a show of respect.

Despite being relatively widespread—though some scholars believe that many reports of cannibalism are untrue—the practice eventually became taboo. However, there are some instances when it was accepted—or at least tolerated—and these cases typically involved survival. According to a recent study, the average human body contains more than 125,000 calories—a feast to anyone starving. One of the most famous examples of survival cannibalism involved the Donner party. In 1846, 87 pioneers led by George Donner left Independence, Missouri, bound for California. In December they became trapped by heavy snow in the Sierra Nevada. Facing starvation, the people eventually resorted to cannibalism. The story became well known—thanks in part to an eager press. (Somewhat ironically, in 2010 the media misinterpreted a study and suggested that cannibalism had not occurred within the Donner party.)

Another example of survival cannibalism followed a plane crash in the Andes Mountains in 1972. Of the 45 passengers—a number of whom belonged to a Uruguayan rugby team—only 16 survived the 72-day ordeal, which included cannibalism, an act some of those rescued later compared to taking Holy Communion. And at Jamestown Colony in 1609–10—a period known as the Starving Time—desperate American settlers cannibalized their neighbors after first eating rats and shoe leather.

WRITTEN BY:  Amy Tikkanen 

A Brief Overview of China’s Cultural Revolution

Cultural Revolution, in full Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, Chinese (Pinyin) Wuchanjieji Wenhua Dagemingor (Wade-Giles romanization) Wu-ch’an Chieh-chi Wen-hua Ta Ke-ming, upheaval launched by Chinese Communist PartyChairman Mao Zedong during his last decade in power (1966–76) to renew the spirit of the Chinese Revolution. Fearing that China would develop along the lines of the Soviet model and concerned about his own place in history, Mao threw China’s cities into turmoil in a monumental effort to reverse the historic processes underway.

 

 Background

During the early 1960s, tensions with the Soviet Unionconvinced Mao that the Russian Revolution had gone astray, which in turn made him fear that China would follow the same path. Programs carried out by his colleagues to bring China out of the economic depression caused by the Great Leap Forwardmade Mao doubt their revolutionary commitment and also resent his own diminished role. He especially feared urban social stratification in a society as traditionally elitist as China. Mao thus ultimately adopted four goals for the Cultural Revolution: to replace his designated successors with leaders more faithful to his current thinking; to rectify the Chinese Communist Party; to provide China’s youths with a revolutionary experience; and to achieve some specific policy changes so as to make the educational, health care, and cultural systems less elitist. He initially pursued these goals through a massive mobilization of the country’s urban youths. They were organized into groups called the Red Guards, and Mao ordered the party and the army not to suppress the movement.Mao also put together a coalition of associates to help him carry out the Cultural Revolution. His wife, Jiang Qing, brought in a group of radical intellectuals to rule the cultural realm. Defense Minister Lin Biao made certain that the military remained Maoist. Mao’s longtime assistant, Chen Boda, worked with security men Kang Sheng and Wang Dongxing to carry out Mao’s directives concerning ideology and security. Premier Zhou Enlai played an essential role in keeping the country running, even during periods of extraordinary chaos. Yet there were conflicts among these associates, and the history of the Cultural Revolution reflects these conflicts almost as much as it reflects Mao’s own initiatives.

The Early Period (1966–68)

Mao’s concerns about “bourgeois” infiltrators in his party and government—those not sharing his vision of communism—were outlined in a Chinese Communist Party Central Committee document issued on May 16, 1966; this is considered by many historians to be the start of the Cultural Revolution, although Mao did not formally launch the Cultural Revolution until August 1966, at the Eleventh Plenum of the Eighth Central Committee. He shut down China’s schools, and during the following months he encouraged Red Guards to attack all traditional values and “bourgeois” things and to test party officials by publicly criticizing them. Mao believed that this measure would be beneficial both for the young people and for the party cadres that they attacked.

The movement quickly escalated; many elderly people and intellectuals not only were verbally attacked but were physically abused. Many died. The Red Guards splintered into zealous rival factions, each purporting to be the true representative of Maoist thought. Mao’s own personality cult, encouraged so as to provide momentum to the movement, assumed religious proportions. The resulting anarchy, terror, and paralysis completely disrupted the urban economy. Industrial production for 1968 dipped 12 percent below that of 1966.

During the earliest part of the Red Guard phase, key Politburo leaders were removed from power—most notably President Liu Shaoqi, Mao’s designated successor until that time, and Party General Secretary Deng Xiaoping. In January 1967 the movement began to produce the actual overthrow of provincial party committees and the first attempts to construct new political bodies to replace them. In February 1967 many remaining top party leaders called for a halt to the Cultural Revolution, but Mao and his more radical partisans prevailed, and the movement escalated yet again. Indeed, by the summer of 1967, disorder was widespread; large armed clashes between factions of Red Guards were occurring throughout urban China.

During 1967 Mao called on the army under Lin Biao to step in on behalf of the Red Guards. Instead of producing unified support for the radical youths, this political-military action resulted in more divisions within the military. The tensions inherent in the situation surfaced vividly when Chen Zaidao, a military commander in the city of Wuhan during the summer of 1967, arrested two key radical party leaders.

In 1968, after the country had been subject to several cycles of radicalism alternating with relative moderation, Mao decided to rebuild the Communist Party to gain greater control. The military dispatched officers and soldiers to take over schools, factories, and government agencies. The army simultaneously forced millions of urban Red Guards to move to the rural hinterland to live, thus scattering their forces and bringing some order to the cities. This particular action reflected Mao’s disillusionment with the Red Guards because of their inability to overcome their factional differences. Mao’s efforts to end the chaos were given added impetus by the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968, which greatly heightened China’s sense of insecurity.

Two months later, the Twelfth Plenum of the Eighth Central Committee met to call for the convening of a party congress and the rebuilding of the party apparatus. From that point, the issue of who would inherit political power as the Cultural Revolution wound down became the central question of Chinese politics.

Rise And Fall Of Lin Biao (1969–71)

When the Ninth Party Congress convened in April 1969, Defense Minister Lin Biao was officially designated as Mao’s successor, and the military tightened its grip on the entire society. Both the Party Central Committee and the revamped Communist Party were dominated by military men. Lin took advantage of Sino-Soviet border clashes in the spring of 1969 to declare martial law and further used his position to rid himself of some potential rivals to the succession. Several leaders who had been purged during 1966–68 died under the martial law regimen of 1969, and many others suffered severely during this period.

Lin quickly encountered opposition. Mao himself was wary of a successor who seemed to want to assume power too quickly, and he began to maneuver against Lin. Premier Zhou Enlaijoined forces with Mao in this effort, as possibly did Mao’s wife Jiang Qing. Mao’s assistant Chen Boda, however, decided to support Lin’s cause. Thus, despite many measures taken in 1970–71 to return order and normalcy to Chinese society, increasingly severe strains were splitting the top ranks of leadership.

These strains first surfaced at a party plenum in the summer of 1970. Shortly thereafter Mao began a campaign to criticize Chen Boda as a warning to Lin. Chen disappeared from public view in August 1970. Matters came to a head in September 1971 when Lin himself was killed in what the Chinese asserted was an attempt to flee to the Soviet Union after an abortive assassination plot against Mao. Virtually the entire Chinese high military command was purged in the weeks following Lin’s death.

Lin’s demise had a profoundly disillusioning effect on many people who had supported Mao during the Cultural Revolution. Lin had been the high priest of the Mao cult, and millions had gone through tortuous struggles to elevate this chosen successor to power and throw out his “revisionist” challengers. They had in this quest attacked and tortured respected teachers, abused elderly citizens, humiliated old revolutionaries, and, in many cases, battled former friends in bloody confrontations. The sordid details of Lin’s purported assassination plot and subsequent flight cast all this in the light of traditional, unprincipled power struggles, and vast numbers of Chinese people began to feel that they simply had been manipulated for personal political purposes.

Final Years (1972–76)

Initially, Premier Zhou Enlai benefited the most from Lin’s death, and from late 1971 through mid-1973 Zhou tried to nudge China back toward stability. He encouraged a revival of the educational system and brought back into office a number of people who had been cast out. China began again to increase its trade and other links with the outside world, and the economy continued the forward momentum that had begun to build in 1969. Mao personally approved these general moves but remained wary lest they call into question the basic value of having launched the Cultural Revolution in the first place.

During 1972, however, Mao suffered a serious stroke, and Zhou learned that he had a fatal malignancy. These events highlighted the continued uncertainty over the succession. In early 1973 Zhou and Mao brought back to power Deng Xiaoping. Zhou hoped to groom him to be Mao’s successor. Deng, however, had been the second most important purge victim at the hands of the radicals during the Cultural Revolution. His reemergence made Jiang Qing and her followers desperate to firmly establish a more radical path.

From mid-1973 until Mao’s death in September 1976, Chinese politics shifted back and forth between Jiang Qing and those who supported her (notably Wang Hongwen, Zhang Chunqiao, and Yao Wenyuan, who with Jiang Qing were later dubbed the Gang of Four), and the Zhou-Deng group. The former favoured ideology, political mobilization, class struggle, anti-intellectualism, egalitarianism, and xenophobia, while the latter promoted economic growth, stability, educational progress, and a pragmatic foreign policy. Mao tried unsuccessfully to maintain a balance between these two forces while he struggled to find a successor who would embody his preferred combination of each.

From mid-1973 until mid-1974 the radicals were ascendant; they whipped up a campaign that used criticism of Lin Biao and of Confucius as a thinly veiled vehicle for attacking Zhou and his policies. By July 1974, however, the resulting economic decline and increasing chaos made Mao shift back toward Zhou and Deng. With Zhou hospitalized, Deng assumed increasing power from the summer of 1974 through the late fall of 1975, when the radicals finally convinced Mao that Deng’s policies would lead eventually to a repudiation of the Cultural Revolution and of Mao himself. Mao then sanctioned criticism of these policies by means of wall posters (dazibao), which had become a favoured method of propaganda for the radicals. Zhou died in January 1976, and Deng was formally purged (with Mao’s backing) in April. Only Mao’s death in September and the purge of the Gang of Four by a coalition of political, police, and military leaders in October 1976 paved the way for Deng’s subsequent reemergence in 1977.

Assessment

Although the Cultural Revolution largely bypassed the vast majority of the people who lived in rural areas, it had serious consequences for China as a whole. In the short run, of course, the political instability and the constant shifts in economic policy produced slower economic growth and a decline in the capacity of the government to deliver goods and services. Officials at all levels of the political system learned that future shifts in policy would jeopardize those who had aggressively implemented previous policy. The result was bureaucratictimidity. In addition, with the death of Mao and the end of the Cultural Revolution (the Cultural Revolution was officially ended by the Eleventh Party Congress in August 1977, but it in fact concluded with Mao’s death and the purge of the Gang of Four in the fall of 1976), nearly three million party members and countless wrongfully purged citizens awaited reinstatement. Bold measures were taken in the late 1970s to confront these immediate problems, but the Cultural Revolution left a legacy that continued to trouble China.

There existed, for example, a severe generation gap; individuals who experienced the Cultural Revolution while in their teens and early twenties were denied an education and taught to redress grievances by taking to the streets. Post-Cultural Revolution policies—which stressed education and initiativeover radical revolutionary fervour—left little room for these millions of people to have productive careers. Indeed, the fundamental damage to all aspects of the educational system itself took several decades to repair.

Another serious problem was the corruption within the party and government. Both the fears engendered by the Cultural Revolution and the scarcity of goods that accompanied it forced people to fall back on traditional personal relationships and on bribery and other forms of persuasion to accomplish their goals. Concomitantly, the Cultural Revolution brought about general disillusionment with the party leadership and the system itself as millions of urban Chinese witnessed the obvious power plays that took place under the name of political principle in the early and mid-1970s. The post-Mao repudiation of both the objectives and the consequences of the Cultural Revolution made many people turn away from politics altogether.

Among the people themselves, there remained bitter factionalism, as those who opposed each other during the Cultural Revolution often shared the same work unit and would do so for their entire careers.

Perhaps never before in human history has a political leader unleashed such massive forces against the system that he created. The resulting damage to that system was profound, and the goals that Mao sought to achieve ultimately remained elusive.

Kenneth G. Liebertha